There is something mystical about the empowerment of formerly powerless people. Individuals who have carried centuries of oppression on their backs, who have resigned themselves to accept the seemingly inevitable realities of suffering, injustice, and marginalization, and who have come to believe they can do nothing to change their situation, are suddenly and permanently transformed.
The vehicle for their transformation may be as sweeping as a political revolution. Or it may be as simple as the first, small plot of land that belongs to them alone, or the first child in an extended family to go to college. It may even be as personal, and almost imperceptible, as a still, small voice. Whatever the conversion event or experience is, it changes not only one's place in the world, but also one's way of looking at the world.
It is an unexpected happening or achievement that says to the individual: "Things don't always have to be this way. Things can change. You do have some capacity to affect and change your situation and perhaps even that of others. There is hope." The transformation wrought by these realizations is radical; the person who once thought nothing could be done now believes almost anything is possible. People who once could offer little resistance now represent a force to be reckoned with.
That is why, in these days of continuing, and almost continual, tension and turmoil in the Philippines, it is important to remember the events of one year ago. Reflecting on this anniversary, it may well be that the most important event of those "four days in February" was not the deposition of a dictator or the installation of a new government, but the participation--the empowerment--of Filipino people. Because of those events, millions of Filipinos were changed, and, as a result, the formula of Philippine politics has been altered.
As evidence of that change, and as proof that "People's Power" was not a passing phenomenon, more than 100,000 people marched in the funeral procession of murdered labor leader Rolando Olalia in November. And when then Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile was said to have been planning a coup, some two million Filipinos were prepared to flood the streets of Manila to prevent its occurrence.
No longer can Philippine politics be reduced to conflicts between rich and poor, the army and the communist guerrillas, Cory and the generals, or U.S. interventionism and Filipino nationalism. Those issues remain central to the future of the Philippines, and it would be naive and irresponsible to underestimate the numerous obstacles to their resolution that threaten to push the country into a very bloody civil war. But, for perhaps the first time, many Filipino people, from a broader political spectrum than before, have the ability to influence whatever is going to happen. They represent a new factor in the equation.
THAT FACTOR CAN STILL be seen best, perhaps, in the "four days of February." Women, children, old people, nuns--those people often perceived as powerless--were on the front lines during the uprising. They were the ones who, by using only prayer, gestures of goodwill, and their bodies, stopped armored tanks and columns of pro-Marcos soldiers, enabling the triumph of the mutinous forces led by Enrile and Lt. Gen. Fidel Ramos and the installation of a provisional government headed by Corazon Aquino.
But the "People's Power" represented much more than just tactical nonviolent resistance. The most vulnerable people in society not only met and nonviolently resisted their enemies, they loved them as well. They passed purple orchids, marigolds, and food to the soldiers; they invited the soldiers to pray with them. As a result of those expressions of love, numerous soldiers were converted, leaving their guns behind and joining the people. Nonviolent resistance, combined with love, brought reconciliation.
There was a sense during those four days in February that by acting courageously and willfully, the people could have a hand in determining their future. But for many Filipinos the future doesn't look as bright now, at the first anniversary of "People's Power" and the Aquino government, as it did a year ago.
Long-standing problems, such as the grossly inequitable distribution of land and wealth, U.S. intervention and militarization, and the make-or-break power of the Philippine military, have hardly been addressed, much less resolved. There are several reasons for this, in addition to the obvious constraints posed by the military, and the political failures of Cory Aquino are minor in comparison.
FIRST AND PERHAPS MOST significant was the very limited nature of the "revolution." Almost all of the action was centered in metropolitan Manila, yet the Philippines is a country of 55 million people living on 7,000 islands. "People's Power" has hardly reached the countryside, where starving and landless peasants are caught in the middle of the conflict between the Philippine military and the communist New People's Army (NPA). And because the ouster of Marcos happened so quickly and unexpectedly, there was no opportunity to build the long-term, broad-based infrastructure so vital to the success of any f revolution. 5
The failures of the political Left constitute a second reason for the continued fragility and conservatism of the Aquino government. Because the BAYAN coalition of worker and peasant organizations had shunned candidate Aquino and boycotted the February election, the Left could take no credit for the spontaneous uprising that ousted Marcos. Then immediately after the installation of the Aquino government, when the Left could have strengthened Cory's hand against the military, it instead acted to delegitimize the Aquino government by emphasizing the participation of former Marcos loyalists Enrile and Ramos.
Cory Aquino's greatest achievement is her policy of reconciliation. She has reached out to both the NPA and Moslem rebels. The 60-day cease-fire now in effect, representing significant political concessions by both sides, is the closest thing to peace that Filipinos have seen in 17 years. And while the cease-fire negotiations are fraught with difficult obstacles, the ability of the National Democratic Front, the formerly illegal coalition of mass organizations, to operate in Manila openly and in relative safety is a significant achievement.
The Aquino government has not made many tangible achievements in its first year; life is not much different for most Filipinos, especially those without land or sufficient income. And the issue of U.S. dominance in the Philippines, symbolized by the two U.S. military bases, remains unaddressed. But it is important to recognize significant changes in the nature of the government and the Filipino people.
In Cory Aquino the Filipinos have a president of compassion and integrity. And with "People's Power," Filipinos have hope. In the words of one urban worker, "Under Marcos I had no hope and was poor. I'm still poor, but I have hope."
Vicki Kemper was new editor of Sojourners when this article appeared.
Got something to say about what you're reading? We value your feedback!