The Price of Freedom

AUTHORITARIANISM is on the march. The rise of right-wing populism in Hungary, Poland, the Philippines, and now the United States highlights the fragility of democracy. Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orban has propagated anti-immigrant sentiment while cracking down on independent media. Poland’s nationalist party has challenged judicial independence while asserting state control over media. Philippine’s President Rodrigo Duterte has vowed to strip civil liberties and employ violent vigilantism to address drug problems. In the U.S., Donald Trump mobilized a largely white base while railing against societal groups, including Muslims and immigrants, to win the election.

Authoritarian figures elected in democratic contexts often ignore constitutions, gut institutions, consolidate power, and snuff out domestic dissent. Dictators are often vindictive; they put themselves above the law and thrive on fear and popular apathy. Their toolkit includes ridiculing and delegitimizing protesters, pitting societal groups against each other, and coopting potential challengers.

But authoritarian figures have an Achilles’ heel. To stay in power, they depend on the obedience and cooperation of ordinary people. If and when large numbers of people from key sectors of society (workers, bureaucrats, students, business leaders, police) stop giving their skills and resources to the ruler, he or she can no longer rule.

Historically, the most powerful antidote to authoritarian figures has been strategic organizing and collective action. That includes civil resistance, employing tactics such as marches, consumer boycotts, labor strikes, go-slow tactics, and demonstrations. In democracies, civil resistance has often been used alongside institutional approaches (elections, legislation, court cases) to defend and advance political and economic rights.

Challenging authoritarian figures with civil resistance requires three things: long-term planning, organizational capacity to protect vulnerable groups while expanding participation, and an ability to maintain nonviolence discipline in the face of repression and provocation. In the current U.S. context, Latinos, Muslims, African Americans, LGBTQ people, and undocumented immigrants have legitimate fears of their rights and liberties being undermined. The immediate focus of organizing should center on these vulnerable groups and involve building coalitions and taking preventive measures (legal and direct action) to protect their rights and safety.

The initial allure of authoritarian figures often wanes, particularly once people feel the effects of corruption, incompetence, and abuses of power. The challenge for movement-builders is to set longer-term priorities; determine how change is going to happen at the local, state, and national levels; and build campaigns around clear goals and diverse tactics (that is, not just street protests). Increasing the size and diversity of participation should be a central preoccupation, along with ensuring that new recruits are trained in direct action, negotiation, and nonviolence discipline. Authoritarian figures want protesters to use violence. It makes their job much easier. Training led by religious and secular leaders played a critical role in the success of the U.S. civil rights movement, the Philippines’ “people power” revolution, and the Serbian Otpor student-led movement.

Keeping nonviolent actions fun, lively, and provocative is key to unmasking the hate and hypocrisy that fuel authoritarian figures. In Serbia, Otpor developed clever, humor-filled campaigns to win allies (including members of the security forces) and expose the Milosevic regime’s ineptitude. The Chilean opposition to Augusto Pinochet focused its nonviolent mobilization on a hopeful, alternative future for the country while involving youth, unions, artists, and pensioners in tactics that ranged from strikes to banging pots and pans.

Saving America’s constitutional democracy from a descent into authoritarianism will require getting ahead of the curve and energizing new and diverse constituencies, including Trump supporters with legitimate grievances.

If the price of freedom is eternal vigilance, then strategic organizing and standing united in fierce resistance to bigotry, corruption, and authoritarian narcissism are its guarantors.