When this article appeared, Ambassador Anthony Quainton had had 23 years in the foreign service, although none of his prior experience had been in Latin America. His most recent position had been director of the State Department's Office for Combatting Terrorism. He had begun service as ambassador to Nicaragua in March of 1982.
The U.S. embassy in Managua was the only place in Nicaragua where our tape recorder and camera were taken away. The following is a reconstruction of portions of our conversation with the ambassador.
Quainton: We are concerned about whether the goals of the Nicaraguan revolution are being fulfilled. To continue U.S. aid to Nicaragua, Congress must certify that Nicaragua is not promoting violence or terrorism in any other country. In April, 1981, the new administration cut off aid because Nicaragua is supporting the revolution in El Salvador. We need to limit arms in Central America by everybody.
How then do you justify massive amounts of U.S. military aid and weapons being sent to countries like El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras?
We're prepared to reduce if the other side does.
Is the U.S. government involved in covert operations aimed at destabilizing the government of Nicaragua?
I won't comment on that positively or negatively.
Newsweek has outlined a $19 million CIA plan for covert operations against Nicaragua, and this week the U.S. Congress is debating the question of funding for those operations. Is the U.S. government involved in covert operations against the government of Nicaragua?
We are not in the business of trying to overthrow regimes. We would like to see the Nicaragua regime change. The views of the comandantes [Sandinista leaders] are not good for the U.S.
How does the human rights situation in Nicaragua compare to the countries surrounding it--to El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras?
Certainly there is less killing here. The Sandinistas have made an effort to avoid excesses, reprisals.
It depends what you mean about human rights. If you're talking about political freedom, there is far less here.
Is there any democracy in Nicaragua?
If democracy means participation of the people, then there is a good deal of it here. But what this kind of democracy doesn't permit is participation in the big decisions affecting their lives.
Does the U.S. repudiate its support of Somoza?
We have no desire to return to somocismo [Somoza's political system]. We're the ones who got him out--well, the Frente Sandinista [Sandinista Front] did.
The Sandanista government has done some remarkable things in education, public health, and housing. On the other hand there has been mismanagement, shortages.
Does the Sandinista government repress religion?
The Sandinista government is not atheistic. Religious freedom will be respected long-term. This is a very religious country.
What do you hope to accomplish in Nicaragua?
We are consistently on the side of promoting democracy. We are not in the business of imposing political systems on anybody.
We are not promoting a single military government in Central America. We are promoting quite the opposite. What we're doing here we're doing all over the world.
Yes, we know. So you believe that our military aid to regimes in Central America is promoting democratic governments?
I think it does. It hasn't increased the power of the military. One of the reasons we provide military assistance is to provide a degree of self-confidence to political structures so they can survive, a degree of stability so they can continue to develop fragile democracies.
The Reagan administration seems to justify its actions against Nicaragua by accusing Nicaragua of supplying arms to guerrillas in El Salvador. We 've all been waiting for conclusive evidence of this. Why hasn't the Reagan administration provided any?
Our sources are both human and technical. It would make it impossible to get information in the future if we made our sources public. I've seen more evidence than I can read or digest.
The military headquarters of the FMLN [Salvadoran front] are here in Managua. The Salvador war is directed from here.
There is a steady flow of arms by land, air, and sea through Nicaragua to El Salvador.
And this steady flow is undetectable?
We now know that massive amounts of arms are going by dugout canoes across the Gulf of Fonseca. These cannot be detected from satellites.
Massive amounts of arms are flowing into El Salvador by dugout canoes?
Well, substantial amounts. Some are going by small planes.
Are you telling us that with all our sophisticated surveillance technology and intelligence-gathering equipment you cannot give us conclusive proof about these planes?
Small planes flying at night are hard to detect. They are in the air for only a short period of time, and there's no visual identification.
We understand that Daniel Ortega proposed to the U.S. government a joint border patrol on the frontier with Honduras. Wouldn't this stop the arms flow by land?
That is not the answer to the problem.
Mr. Quainton, are you aware that if the Reagan administration continues its policy against Nicaragua, there may be a church-state rift in the U.S.?
I recognize that. That's why it's essential that groups like yours come and see for yourself.
Joyce Hollyday was associate editor of Sojourners when this article appeared. Jim Wallis is editor-in-chief of Sojourners.
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