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The Politics of Pentecostalism

Pentecostalism began as an interracial movement and held pacifist positions.

Illustration by Michael George Haddad

THE PASSION CENTER is a Christian community in Pembroke Pines, Fla., about 20 miles north of Miami. The organization is affiliated with the Assemblies of God, a Pentecostal denomination, but it neither emphasizes its denominational ties nor resembles a traditional church. This self-described “holistic ministry training center” has no building, but it has a mission to keep Jesus and social justice intertwined.

The faith community was founded and is led by Elizabeth Rios, who earlier started the Center for Emerging Female Leadership in New York. Members of the Passion Center used to meet regularly for community service projects, local demonstrations advocating for the priorities of marginalized communities, dinners in local restaurants, and a monthly comedy night for their neighborhood. The pandemic shut down the in-person gatherings. Unlike many other Pentecostal and charismatic churches, the Passion Center leadership had no qualms about following the science. They had no building to close; they just transitioned their ministries online. The Passion Center is one example of Pentecostals who don’t mind getting politically engaged in justice work to further the reign of God here on earth.

Pentecostalism is one of the fastest growing Christian movements in the world. In 1980, about 6 percent of Christians globally were Pentecostal—now it’s 25 percent. As of 2014, there were 10 million Pentecostals in the U.S. In many places around the world, Pentecostalism is the predominant face of Christianity. These rising numbers are shifting Christianity’s demographic center from the prosperous North to the global South.

While certain media outlets highlight the enthusiastic support some Pentecostals have given to right-wing political leaders, including former U.S. president Donald Trump and Brazil’s President Jair Bolsonaro, the politics of Pentecostals, like their ecclesial structures and lines of authority, varies widely. In the United States, less than half of Pentecostals-charismatics lean toward the Republican Party, one-third lean toward the Democratic Party, and 20 percent have no political leanings, according to the Pew Research Center. Pentecostals don’t fit neatly into a box. The organization Pentecostals and Charismatics for Peace and Justice and similar efforts offer leadership to U.S. and global Pentecostals on justice issues, such as nonviolence, racial equity, and creation care—a reminder that Pentecostalism began as an interracial movement and held pacifist positions.

While Christianity in general has been in numerical decline in the U.S., American religion maintains significant influence in the rest of the world. In New Zealand, for example, Anglican priest Scottie Reeve has criticized the right-wing nationalistic pastors and speakers—nearly all exports from the U.S.—who regularly keynote national conferences. “Send us those who will renew our commitment to the poor rather than to a political ideology,” Reeve wrote. “Send us the ones who live in urban neighborhoods rather than gated communities. Send us those who will enlarge our hearts for the other rather than making us fear the stranger. Send us those who measure the success of their ministries with names rather than numbers.”

The prominent U.S. ministers Reeve mentions by name are all from a Pentecostal or charismatic background. Given the scope of Pentecostalism’s influence and its global popularity, this isn’t surprising.

Christian nationalism and QAnon (and adjacent conspiracy theories) fanned the flames of the violent insurrection at the U.S. Capitol in January. These elements are part of growing and interconnected webs within evangelical and fundamentalist communities, and they include Pentecostals and charismatics. They not only threaten our democratic republic, but they also fundamentally undermine the witness of the church. Pentecostals and all Christians must see the lies perpetrated by these groups as a warning about the dangers of toxic nationalism—and an invitation to return to the gospel message of justice as universal as the global church.

This appears in the March 2021 issue of Sojourners